Japanese Internment
Author: Rebekah Nelson
 

Early in the morning of December 7, 1941, shortly before 8:00A.M., the sun began to show itself to the dawn that lay over the island of Oaho, Hawaii, and to an impending day that would live in infamy.(Fremon 27-28)  Newspaper headlines read, “JAPS START SURPRISE WAR: Surprise Attacks on U.S. Bases in Pacific inflict Heavy Losses,” the following morning.(Worcester Telegram 1)  Americans may have been led to believe, by reports written in newspapers and broadcasted over the radio, that the Japanese military campaign carried out over Pearl Harbor was a malicious, immoral, surprise attack, but our history tells a different story.  In actuality, Americans did not realize that the Japanese had the capabilities and will to orchestrate such a raid, which “forced” the United States to enter World War II and declare war on Japan, Italy and Germany.(Fremon 28)  Misinterpreted intercepted messages warning of the Japanese attack and a compromised American alertness provided a motive for refusal by military and political officials of any responsibility in the air raid.  Americans were left with the destruction of eighteen U.S. ships and two hundred aircrafts with a void of something tangible to blame.  Nearly 2,500 men were killed, and Americans reasoned that spies and enemy agents must have helped the Japanese in their strike from Hawaiian skies.(Fremon 27)  In the days following Pearl Harbor, people began to suspect that the attacking Japanese had been aided by the Japanese and Japanese Americans living in Hawaii and along the west coast of the United States.(Fremon 28)
 Long before war was declared on Japan, resident Japanese were an unpopular and often unwelcome group.  They dwelled in private communities, set apart from the larger population, and their adherence to their ancestral culture patterns further emphasized their isolation.(Grodzins 2)  Cultural differences made the Japanese a target of popular distaste, and a scapegoat for the tragedy of Pearl Harbor.  Racism, war hysteria, and fear provided Americans with an excuse to subject the Japanese population in America to democratic injustices in the form of the Japanese Internment of 1942.(Stevenson 24)  Japanese were herded into assembly camps and then brought to concentration camps where many lived for an average of two and a half years, under harsh conditions.(Zich 512)  Several anti-Japanese factions, poorly researched news reports, damning propaganda, corrupt politicians and false rumors were at the heart of the torturous misery that the Japanese were to face in the months following the United State’s entry into WWII.
 In the first weeks of war, acts of public hostility were sporadic and their effects were minor in character.  The Department of Justice began to arrest large numbers of (Japanese) individuals who were considered to be potential threats, but stressed their opposition to repressive acts against the Japanese as a group.  President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, California Governor Culbert L. Olson, and several other congressman paid tribute to the loyalty of their nation’s minorities and asked that they be treated fairly.  Church leaders, social service, and civil liberties organizations expressed their sympathy for the American Japanese and provided assistance to those thrown out of work by misinformed, distrustful employers.(Grodzins 19)  Many members of the West Coast Japanese Community, despite the prejudiced views that they were being exposed to, were deeply ashamed by what their country had done to the U.S. naval bases.(Fremon 24)  One American born Japanese man, Shigeo Wakamatsu, addressed the student body at the College of Puget Sound saying, “Because I believe in America, and I trust she believes in me…I pledge myself to do honor to her…to support her Constitution, to obey her laws, to respect her flag, to defend her against all enemies…to actively assume my duties and obligations cheerfully, and without any reservation whatsoever, in the hope that I may become a better American in a greater America.”(6-8)  In May 1942, one month before Shigeo was scheduled to graduate from college, he was relocated to a detention camp in the Rocky Mountains.(8)  This example shows that the unparalleled patriotism of Japanese Americans was meaningless to racist citizens as  fear swept the west coast and popular sentiment changed.
 By 1940, the anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in the 1920s, had virtually disappeared excluding some rural communities where there was jealousy of successful Japanese farmers.  Prior to the outbreak of WWII, Americans were directing their prejudices against the Filipinos, who were the latest immigrants to arrive and begin competing in the work force.  Yet, since they were not our enemies in the war, hate reverted back to the Japanese.(Stevenson 23)  Rumors of spying and sabotage were said to have spread like “California brushfire.”(Fremon 23)  Stories circulated about the treachery of the Japanese and reports were made that they were transmitting information to the enemy and preparing to conduct a program of mass sabotage.(Grodzins 2-3)  Japanese-Americans farmers in Hawaii allegedly planted crops in the shape of a huge arrows to direct the Japanese Air Force to the Pearl Harbor naval base, and American university class rings were said to have been found on the fingers of downed Japanese pilots after Pearl Harbor.(Fremon 24-25)  It was said that Japanese-American fisherman were really officers in the emperor’s navy and they were consequently ordered not to go out fishing.  Henry Murakami, a fisherman, stated, “We put away all the nets, tied the boats, and all you had to do was stay home and watch what was going on.”(Harris 109-111)  Later, he was taken by the FBI, separated from his wife and children, and sent to Fort Lincoln in North Dakota, with only a pair of Japanese slippers between him and the newly fallen snow.(109-111)  While prominent members of Japanese families were being carted away by bus and by train, newspaper headlines that spoke of sabotage and secret submarines inspired the exclusion of their remaining family members from daily life.(Stevenson 23)
 Nisei, American-born persons whose parents were from Japan, and their Issei parents faced discrimination as a wall of hatred grew from unfounded fears of mass conspiracy.  On March 31, 1942, broadsides appeared on notice boards in certain communities on the western seaboard bearing the title “Civilian Exclusion Order.”(Armor 3)  They lost private businesses and civil service jobs; they were no longer allowed to enlist in the armed services; and many already in the army and navy were discharged.  Japanese-Americans were given the classification “IV-C-enemy aliens,” when they were neither in actuality.  Yoshiko Uchida claimed, “It (the classification attributed to his people) was not because we had done anything wrong, but simply because we looked like the enemy.”(Fremon 26)  At this point, many traditionally anti-Japanese individuals and organizations realized that the war with Japan offered an opportunity to further their goals of segregation.  Members of the Western Growers Protective Association and the Grower-Shipper Vegetable Association were among these groups.(Grodzins 19-20)  Politicians, pressured by their voters, started taking action against the Japanese to ensure their political status, to ease the mindset of their people, and to quench their own racist views.  Residents of Japanese ancestry immediately fell victim to government rules.  Their bank accounts were frozen; their safety deposit boxes were confiscated; they were held to an 8:00P.M.curfew; they could not travel more than five miles beyond their homes; they could not travel by plane, train, bus or boat; and they had to turn in all short-wave radios, cameras, binoculars, firearms and pocket knives.(Fremon 25-26)
 Extreme political views from high-ranking officials concerning what should be done with the Japanese living in America encouraged the efforts of segregationists.  John Rankin, a Mississippi Congressman, stated his opinion on Japanese patriotism to the United States saying, “Once a Jap always a Jap.  You cannot change him.  You cannot make a silk purse out of a sow’s ear.”(Zich 2)  He was also quoted saying; “The white man’s civilization has come into conflict with Japanese barbarism (and) one of them must be destroyed.”(The Politics#1 11)  Tennessee Senator Tom Stewart and Congressmen William F. Novell of Arkansas, Jennings Randolph of West Virginia, Schuyler O. Bland of Virginia, and Martin Dies of Texas all shared Ranklin’s opinions.(11)  Even President Roosevelt shared in these ignorant stances.  He believed that the Japanese skull patterns, “being less developed than that of the Caucasians, might be responsible for their aggressive behavior.”(11-12)  On other occasions, he had been known to join in jokes against Jews, Puerto Ricans, and Italians.  In contrast, some politician, like the Attorney General to Roosevelt, Francis Biddle, felt that the fears of mass sabotage were unfounded.(The Politics#5 2)  The growing concern of officials in the California state government, the Army, and the White House resulted in plans for evacuating and then removing the Japanese from areas where they posed a threat.(Ward 40-41)
 During this time, President Roosevelt entrusted Lieutenant General John L. DeWitt, head of the Western Defense Command, with the defense of the Pacific Coast.(The Politics#1 1)  In the months after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, DeWitt appeared content to leave the problem of enemy aliens to the Justice Department, but as the Japanese became the object of mass hysteria, his views changed.(1)  Lt. General DeWitt, along with State Attorney General Earl Warren became increasingly concerned with the Japanese-Americans, who made up only one percent of California’s population and had engaged in no identifiable sabotage.(Ward 41)  Henry L. Stimson, Secretary of War, observed that “We cannot discriminate among our citizens on the grounds or racial origin,” but his views were thrown to the side in the race for control of the issue between the War and Justice Departments.(The Politics#1 1)  In this contest, DeWitt became a pawn for a Major Karl R. Bendetsen, Chief of the Aliens Division, Provost Marshal General’s Office, and his superior, Allen Gullion, who sought to take control of the enemy aliens from Attorney General Francis Biddle, strongly desired the removal of all Japanese from the West Coast.  Colonel Karl Robin Bendesten, who also wished to have control in the issue, pressured the Assistant Secretary of War, John McCloy, and Secretary of War, Henry L. Stimson, to take action, for he felt sure that a Japanese invasion was possible.  Influenced by Bendesten and Gullion, DeWitt and Stimson agreed that the Japanese posed a potential threat to the United States.(The Politics#1 1)
 In a letter that General DeWitt wrote to Henry Stimson on February 14, 1942, he claimed that, “In the war which we are now engaged, racial affinities are not severed by migration.  The Japanese race is an enemy race, and while many second and third generation Japanese born on U.S. soil, possessed of U.S. citizenship, have become ‘Americanized,’ the racial strains are undiluted…along with vital Pacific Coast, over 112,000 potential enemies of Japanese extrication are at large today.”(The Politics#1 1)  In agreement, Stimson stated, “Their racial characteristics are such that we cannot understand or trust even the citizen Japanese.”(The Politics#2 13)  On February 2, 1942, J. Edgar Hoover, FBI Director, wrote in disagreement to DeWitt’s view claiming, “The necessity for mass evacuation is based primarily upon public and political pressure rather than on factual data.  Public hysteria and…the comments of the press and radio announcers, have resulted in a tremendous amount of pressure being brought to bear on Governor Olson (Culbert L. Olson of California) and Earl Warren, Attorney General of the State, and on the military authorities.”(The Politics#5 7)  Later, he criticized the Army’s Military Intelligence Division as untrained, disorganized, hysterical, and lacking in judgment because he felt that the Federal Bureau of Investigation had already identified possible Japanese agents and had eliminated the threat.(7)
 In the end, it was Major Bendetsen who designed the plan that would become Executive Order 9066, transforming the Japanese-American issue into a more legally defensible military issue, that shrewdly made no mention of race.(The Politics#2 2)  Father Hugh T. Lavery of the Catholic Marvknoll Center in Los Angeles later stated, in 1949, that, “Colonel Bendestsen showed himself to be a little Hitler.  I mentioned that we had an orphanage with children of Japanese ancestry, and that some of these children were one-half Japanese, others one-fourth or less.  I asked which children should we send (to the camps) and Bendetsen said: “I am determined that if they have one drop of Japanese blood in them, they must go to camp”…”(Zich 2)  Ratification of Executive Order 9066 would allow farms and towns designated “military areas” by General DeWitt to be cleared and the property within the area to be confiscated.(Ward 41)  While public opinion expressed the desire to have Roosevelt concentrate on the war in the Pacific before the one in Europe, his alliance with Winston Churchill put Europe in the forefront.  Nevertheless, in order to please his voters, Roosevelt sent bombers to Japan and signed the Executive Order 9066, drafted by the War Department Aliens Division on February 19, 1942, but he warned the army “to be as reasonable as you can.”(The Politics#1 12)  Nisei and Issei were shocked by the actions of President Roosevelt.  Only hours before the signing of the order, a man of Japanese descent had exclaimed, “Our greatest friend is a man who is the greatest living man today-President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.”(Fremon 31)  The American judicial system was the last hope for the Japanese.
 During the onset of the evacuation and the internment of the Japanese, the Supreme Court was faced with three defining cases.  Hirabayashi vs.United States, 320 U.S. 81 was the first of these cases.  It dealt with the curfew, issued by the commanding general of Western Defensive Command on March 24, 1942, which directed all persons of Japanese ancestry to remain in their homes from 8:00P.M. to 6:00A.M.  Korematsu vs. United States, 323 U.S. 214, the second case, contended that the military program (evacuation) violated the rights guaranteed to American citizens by the fourth, sixth, eight and thirteenth Amendments to the Constitution.  Both cases argued that American citizens of Japanese ancestry were denied due process of law as guaranteed by the fifth Amendment.(Grodzins 351)  The Supreme Court upheld the legality of the curfew laws and evacuation itself by quoting the Hirabayashi decision, “We could not reject the finding of the military authorities that it was impossible to bring about an immediate segregation of the disloyal from the loyal.”(353-354)  Evacuation, the Court said, was not “beyond the war power of the Congress and the Executive.”(354)  In each case, the Court balanced infringement of civil liberties against the government’s war power.  In Justice Hughe’s opinion, many contingencies are created during circumstances of modern warfare which may bring it (military measures) into conflict with civil liberties.(351-352)  Hughe’s view not only supported the outcome of Korematsu vs. United States, but it also justified the court’s decision concerning the case of Ex parte Endo.
 Ex parte Mitsuye Endo, 323 U.S. 283, involving the detention of loyal Japanese-Americans by the War Relocation Authority, was the third case brought to the Supreme Court.(Grodzins 351)  The Court decided that the United States actions were legal under the Constitution.  This decision was what allowed the opening of concentration camp gates on December 18, 1944.(Stevenson 24)  Mr. Justice Frankfurter offered a separate opinion that perhaps best represents the Supreme Court’s position, stating, “To find that the Constitution does not forbid the military measures now complained of does not carry with its approval of which the Congress and Executive did.  That is their business, not ours.”(Grodzins 354)  The evacuation program was instituted and executed by the U.S. military forces with the full mandate of power from both the legislative and the executive branches of the national government.(2)  In effect, the Japanese had no choice but to sell their belongings and leave their  homes to live in concentration camps.
 The evacuation of the Japanese-Americans from the Pacific Coast in the spring and summer of 1942, was an unprecedented act in the history of American democracy, perhaps comparable only to the injustices endured by Native Americans years before.  Evacuation notices gave some Japanese just two days to dispose of nearly all their possessions.  Some were able to leave their property with friends, yet the majority were left to deal with bargain hunters and profiteers.(Zich 528)  Many lost farms to land speculators who had coveted the emergency legislation.(Ward 42)  A Japanese woman, Mary Oda, claims that her family had two weeks to rid itself of a new, twelve-hundred dollar tractor, three cars, three trucks, and all their crops.  They received thirteen hundred dollars selling their property, but could not argue because they had to leave.(Zich 528)  A number of Japanese, worried about their safety, were relived when orders for evacuation came.  One woman, Margaret Takahashi, later said that, “When the evacuation order finally came, I was relieved.  Lots of people were relieved because you were taken care of.  You wouldn’t have all this worry.”(Harris 107)
 Officially, the government called the Japanese “evacuees.”  None had been charged with any crime, nor would they be in the future, yet the government claimed that these people were potential enemies to the U.S.(Armor xxii)  Before the evacuees were brought to the permanent camps, they were herded into assembly centers on abandoned racetracks and fairgrounds.(Zich 512)  Those brought to assembly centers had tags affixed to their clothing, bearing their family’s identification number.(520)  A racetrack near Pasadena, California was a sight for one assembly center.  Another assembly center in Santa Anita was transformed from manure-speckled horse stalls into housing for families.  Kazuyuki Takahashi, one an inhabitant of the center, now a doctor, later stated that, “After a couple of weeks, mushrooms began growing up through the floor.”(Zich 529)  Often, conditions worsened when they were transferred to permanent concentration camps.
 By September 1942, ten camps had been hastily constructed in the wilds of Arkansas, Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Utah, and Wyoming.  Hoping to prove their patriotism, the majority of the Japanese Americans went to the internment camps “without a whisper.”  Many couples rushed their marriages so that the evacuation would not separate them.(Zich28-529)  One half of the evacuees were under the age of twenty and many neither spoke nor read Japanese.(Stevenson 22)  Almost one third of the prisoners were Japanese citizens, defined as resident aliens.(Armor 69)  The entire Japanese-American population was evacuated except for a handful of ill or otherwise incapacitated persons and a smaller number of irreplaceable workers.(New York Times 1)  In all, one-hundred and ten thousand Americans of Japanese ancestry were evacuated.  The young and the old, the sick and the well, mothers, grandmothers, infants, orphans, foster-children in white homes, offspring of Japanese-Caucasian marriages, persons unaware of their Japanese ancestry and aging veterans were all among the evacuees.(Grodzins 2)  All camps were deliberately isolated from towns and cities of any considerable size.(Armor 70)
 One camp, Manzanar, was described as a “lonely crossroads in Inyo Country, California,” near the rugged eastern Sierra Desert.(Armor xi)  It was made up of wood-framed, tar-paper barracks surrounded by barbed wire, with armed guards on look out in Sentry towers.  Each barracks consisted of four twenty by twenty foot rooms, furnished with an oil stove and a bare hanging bulb.  Showers were open, latrines were exposed and there were only five doctors to care for ten thousand people.  Tom Watanabie, who lived in Manzanar, and who lost his wife and twin girls during childbirth at the camp said that, “What haunted me was that for years I didn’t know what they did with the bodies.”(Zich 529)  The hardships of life were often emphasized by other severe conditions.  Even in the late spring, nighttime temperatures in the valley dropped to freezing.  Temperatures in the day often soared above one hundred degrees Fahrenheit, and the prisoners were required to grow their own food despite the weather conditions.(Armor xiii)  As the winter of 1942 set in, pro-Japanese gangs were trying to give rise to a reign of terror.  Two days before Pearl Harbor’s first anniversary, Fred Tayama, a pro-American, was severely beaten and three Kibei, American born citizens educated in Japan, were arrested for the assault.  The next day a riot erupted and eleven internees were wounded and two were killed by military police.  It was the worst violence that developed from the conditions of the camps during the whole evacuation.(Zich 529-530)  Japanese tradition had dictated that individuals should be private, submissive, and hard working, in effect, leaving many Japanese-Americans to deal with pent up emotions, violence, and inhumane conditions that they were present with, on their own.
 Rohwer, Arkansas, the sight of another camp, was surrounded by a mosquito and snake-infested swamp.  A camp in Poston, Arizona got so hot that people jokingly renamed it “Roastin.”  Dwellers poured water on their canvas cots and slept outdoors, trying to keep cool, until dust storms drove them back inside.(Zich 529)  Reverent Perry Saito later told a writer about the conditions of Tule Lake, “The four of us slept in one room and each room had only…one army canvas cot and a straw mattress and a pot bellied stove, no chairs, no tables, no curtains on the window, no rug on the floor, no place to hang your clothes…”(Axford 60)  One woman who lived at a camp in Topaz stated; “People were lost all the time.”(Stevenson 96)  Conditions in every camp were harsh and unyielding, yet people were forced to remain in them for an average of over two years, until their “Americanization Process” had been completed, and the government saw them fit to return into American society.
 The return of the Japanese to American communities was a slow and painful process, hindered by numerous anti-Japanese movements and racist political leaders.  Literally hundreds of anti-Japanese organizations were formed during and after the Internment.  Organizations such as the California Joint Immigration Committee, the California Federation of Women’s Clubs, the California Citizens Association of Santa Barbara, the California Citizens Council of Los Angeles, the American Foundation for the Exclusion of the Japanese, the No Japs, Incorporated, of San Diego, and the Home Front Commandos all fell under this category.(Girdner 356-358)  The threatening nature of some of these groups caused many individuals, both inside and outside and outside of the camps, to fear the worst if evacuees were released, even the possibility of mass murder.  Some of these groups were economically motivated and some were patriotically motivated, but fortunately, the most extreme were “more noisy then numerous.”(357-358)  Organizations that defended the rights of American-Japanese were charged with being under Communist control by anti-Japanese individuals.(364)  However, by 1943, anti-Japanese sentiment, fueled by war time propaganda, began to reach its crest, and would soon be brought down by stronger “waves” of sympathy, originating in the entertainment world.
 In the entertainment world, Art Linkletter, Frank Sinatra, Bob Hope and Edgar Rice Borroughs, after visiting with physically shattered Nisei soldiers (who had fought for the United States) in European hospitals, publicly praised the American Japanese.  A considerable amount of resistance to the prejudice stand was beginning to be felt.(Girdner 370)  In the 1944 California primaries, a number of incumbent candidates taking anti-Japanese stands were defeated.  Along with the fall of some political leaders, came the end of the Jerome relocation center in Arkansas in June, 1944 (residents were transferred to other camps).  Evacuees were allowed to leave the detention centers to work on neighboring farms and some selected evacuees were able to establish new homes in other sections of the country.(371)  As of midnight January 2, 1945, restrictions were officially removed from the Japanese group that had been excluded from the West Coast, but with a large number of exceptions.(381)  Eventually the politics keeping the Japanese interned broke down because it could no longer be craftily justified or hidden from a war-consumed country.  One by one, the camps closed.
 Tule Lake, the last of the concentration camps, closed for good in March 1946.(Zich 533)  While some left the camps and settled in less hostile parts of the country, some others went into the armed services.  Those remaining either renounced their citizenship and moved to Japan, or made the decision to go back to the West Coast.(Stevenson 24)  A number of people who tried to buy houses on the coast were handed injunctions, a “restrictive covenant,” threatening them with a thousand dollar fine and/or a year in jail if they moved in.(Zich 533)  Professional patriots, trying to keep the Japanese from returning, resorted to vandalism, arson and shooting, but they were unsuccessful in their goal.(Stevenson 96)  The War Relocation Association set up regional offices on the Coast during the early part of 1945, to help find jobs and houses for the returning Japanese.(Girdner 355)  One third of all Japanese-American truck farmers on the West Coast found their lands ruined or lost to foreclosure.  Japanese neighborhoods everywhere were gone, their homes and shops taken over by workers of the war effort who had been flooded into the region.  It is estimated that the evacuees losses totaled four million “1942 dollars.”(Zich 533)  Incarceration had fractured families along political and generational lines and having been branded disloyal without reason, the Japanese suffered from a gnawing sense of shame, of which they passed to their children.(512)
 Because of this, many Sansei, second generation Japanese-Americans (Nisei offspring) grew up torn between their parents’ unspoken shame and a strong new American pride in ethnic identity.  The Issei and Nisei had shrouded their wartime experiences from the world because of their anger, shame and humiliation, leaving their children with their bottled-up emotions.  They spend their lives believing that “shikata-ga-nai” (nothing can be done), and left their children believing “there’s something wrong with us.”(Zich 537)  Sansei children wished they were not Japanese and were not proud of their identity.  Many turned to drug abuse, and only now do they understand that they should not be ashamed of their background.(537)
 Following the end of World War II, Japanese-Americans began to take legal action, trying to clear their names and their race of any wrong doing attributed to them in the past.  In 1948, Congress appropriated thirty-eight million dollars to settle Japanese claims, but processing was so snarled that the internees accepted an average of a dime on the dollar.  One woman who carried the ashes of her dead husband, son, and daughter around for six years, unable to afford a proper funeral, finally settled on one thousand eight hundred dollars just to see them buried.  In 1952 the Japanese won the repeal of California’s alien land laws, and Congress granted the Issei’s right to citizenship.  Social barriers soon fell and the Nisei men and women found that Japanese values had become marketable commodities in America.(Zich 533-536)
 The most momentous of the legal actions was finally getting Congress to establish a commission in 1980 to investigate the facts and circumstances surrounded the Executive Order 9066.  For the first time, Japanese-Americans came forward and publicly recounted their experiences in the camps.  After hearing the testimony from seven hundred and fifty witnesses, the commission concluded that the Executive Order 9066 was not justified by military necessity, that a “grave injustice” had been done to those interned, and that the historical causes behind the order were “race prejudice, war hysteria, and a failure of political leadership.”  The commission recommended the appropriation of 1.5 billion dollars as compensation to the victims who had lost property and wages during the internment.  The Sensai who had not turned to drug abuse moved to set their ethnic record straight, and in 1980, five Sansai attorneys crafted a legal brief outlining the constitutional violations surrounded the camp experience.(Zich 538)  In 1983, these attorneys and a team of more then one hundred volunteer lawyers and law students forced the reopening of the three convictions that the Supreme Court had upheld in 1943 and 1944.  In the case of Fred Korematsu, who was tried for resisting internment, a U.S. district court judge in San Francisco overturned the conviction, declaring that our institutions must “protect all citizens from the petty fears and prejudices that are so easily aroused.”(Zich 538)
 Today little remains of the relocation camps that deprived the Japanese of liberty and property without due legal process but the memories of those detained, some photographs, and documents.(Stevenson 24)  At Manzanar, there lays a graveyard with a single bold monument.(Armor xv)  Looking back on this black page in our history, we are now able to recognize that the relocation of Japanese-Americans was a shocking suspension of the civil rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.(Stevenson 24)  The children’s children of the Issei have now risen among the ranks of American society and been “awarded” the media catchphrase “model minority.”(Zich 537)  But, let us not forget how war can transfigure powerful nations into factions fraught with hatred and prejudice.  If World War II truly was a test of America’s commitment to democratic ideas, then America failed.  Too often the United States is seen as the epitome of democracy, individual rights and freedom.  Sometimes what others do not see, and what Americans themselves do not understand, is that America is far from perfect.  We are a fallible nation that often sleeps in a blissful ignorance.  When we are afraid, we merely pull the pillow over our heads and wait until the “danger” is hidden from view.  The Japanese Internment is a shameful period in American history.  This war was a time when we as a nation should have stayed vigilant about what truly sets our nation apart.
 

Works Cited

*Armor, John, and Peter Wright.  Manzanar.  New York: Random House, Inc., 1988.

*Axford, Roger W.  Too Long Silent: Japanese  Americans Speak Out.  Lincoln: Media
 Publishing and Marketing, Inc., 1986.

*Fremon, David.  Japanese-American Internment.  New Jersey: Enslow Publishers, Inc.,
 1996.

*Girdner, Audrie, and Anne Loftis.  The Great Betrayel.  New York: Macmillan
 Company, 1969.

*Grodzins, Morton.  Americans Betrayed.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949.

*Harris, Mark Jonathan, Franklin Mitchell, and Steven Schechter.  The Homefront:
 America During World War II.  New York: G.P. Putnam’s sons, 1984.

*Stevenson, Janet.  “Return of the Exiles.”  American Hertitage  June 1969: 22-25, 96-
 99.

*”Surprise Attacks o n U.S. Bases in Pacific Inflict Heavy Losses.”  Worcester Telegram
 8 December 1941: A1.

*The Politics, Japanese Internment.  Comprised of writings extracted from #1-Geoffry S.
 Smith, #2-Michi Weglyn, #4-Stetson Conn, #5-reports from Commission on
 Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, and #6-Dillon S. Myer. [online]
 Available @ http://www.geocites.com/Athens/8420/politicians.html

*Ward, Nathan.  “Separate and Unequal.”  American Heritage February/March 1992:
 40-42.

*”West Coast Finishes Removing Japanese.”  New York Times 8 June 1942: A5.

*Zich, Arthur.  “Japanese Americans: Home at Last.”  National Geographic April 1986:
 512-538.
 

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